Review Angela Davis â€å“racism Birth Control and Reproductive Rightsã¢â‚¬â File
Health Equity. 2018; two(1): 249–259.
Racism, African American Women, and Their Sexual and Reproductive Wellness: A Review of Historical and Gimmicky Evidence and Implications for Health Equity
Cynthia Prather
anePartition of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Heart for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Taleria R. Fuller
twoDivision of Reproductive Health, National Center for Chronic Affliction Prevention and Health Promotion, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
William L. Jeffries, 4
1Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Heart for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Affliction Command and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Khiya J. Marshall
3Division of Violence Prevention, National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
A. Vyann Howell
1Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Command and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Angela Belyue-Umole
aneDivision of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Centre for HIV, Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Winifred Rex
fourDivision of Global HIV and TB, Heart for Global Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Atlanta, Georgia.
Abstract
Background: The sexual and reproductive health of African American women has been compromised due to multiple experiences of racism, including discriminatory healthcare practices from slavery through the mail-Civil Rights era. However, studies rarely consider how the historical underpinnings of racism negatively influence the present-day health outcomes of African American women. Although some improvements to ensure equitable healthcare have been made, these historical influences provide an unexplored context for illuminating present-solar day epidemiology of sexual and reproductive wellness disparities among African American women.
Methods: To account for the unique healthcare experiences influenced past racism, including healthcare provision, we searched online databases for peer-reviewed sources and books published in English language just. Nosotros explored the link betwixt historical and current experiences of racism and sexual and reproductive wellness outcomes.
Results: The legacy of medical experimentation and inadequate healthcare coupled with social determinants has exacerbated African American women's complex relationship with healthcare systems. The social determinants of health associated with institutionalized and interpersonal racism, including poverty, unemployment, and residential segregation, may make African American women more vulnerable to disparate sexual and reproductive health outcomes.
Conclusions: The development of innovative models and strategies to improve the health of African American women may be informed by an understanding of the historical and indelible legacy of racism in the United States. Addressing sexual and reproductive wellness through a historical lens and ensuring the implementation of culturally appropriate programs, research, and handling efforts volition likely move public health toward achieving health equity. Furthermore, it is necessary to develop interventions that address the intersection of the social determinants of health that contribute to sexual and reproductive wellness inequities.
Keywords: : African American women, racism, sexual and reproductive health
What happened on that sale cake centuries ago is notwithstanding unfinished business for African American women today. —Dr. Gail East. Wyattone
Introduction
Racism in the United States is pervasive and is a major contributor to sexual and reproductive health disparities of African American women. The historical narrative about racial inferiority has exacerbated discriminatory healthcare practices, in turn negatively affecting the quality and types of healthcare provided to African American women.2–6 According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), African American women feel a high burden of maternal mortality, infant mortality, and sexually transmitted infections (STI), including HIV.4–9 Furthermore, racism is a fundamental determinant of health condition because it contributes to social inequalities (e.one thousand., poverty) that shape wellness behaviors, access to healthcare, and interactions with medical professionals.3,ten,11
Although legalized slavery, the about salient manifestation of race-based mistreatment for African Americans, ended in 1865, racism persists in institutions (e.one thousand., criminal justice system), and attitudes that marginalize African American women.four,12,13 For this reason, a historical analysis might shed lite on how current sexual and reproductive health outcomes for African American women are shaped by racism and inform public wellness interventions to better outcomes and promote wellness disinterestedness.
Methods
Get-go, we highlight a combination of pregnant historical events throughout four key eras that play a part in current health outcomes, including slavery, Black Codes/Jim Crow, Civil Rights, and post-Civil Rights (nowadays day). The authors posit that a combination of these race-based events beyond eras impacts the current reproductive and sexual wellness condition of African American women. We searched online databases (e.g., PubMed) for peer-reviewed sources and books published in English only. To account for the unique healthcare experiences influenced by racism, including healthcare provision and research, our search was limited to the United States only. Second, we describe contemporary sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Third, we explore the link betwixt these historical experiences and current sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Finally, nosotros discuss the potential benefit for public health interventions that acknowledge the historical and electric current health condition and healthcare experiences of African American women, and interventions that promote health equity.
We argue that a careful examination of historical factors is essential to effectively accost the current healthcare needs of African American women especially as they chronicle to chronic stress and impacts on wellness outcomes across a variety of conditions potentially rooted in racism, including STI (e.yard., HIV) and pregnancy-related morbidity and mortality. If by influences that have potentially shaped current outcomes are not taken into consideration, then public health efforts may neglect the touch of larger, contextual factors that affect health and contribute to inequities. Given the nature of this article, our review was considered exempt by the institutional review board and not required.
Results
Key historical considerations: slavery to nowadays
Figure 1 presents a time period spanning 399 years (1619–2018) beginning in 1619 when enslaved Africans were brought to the Usa and includes slavery, Black Codes/Jim Crow, Civil Rights, and post-Civil Rights.14 Table ane provides a summary of adverse lived personal experiences and health exposures of African American women during 4 different time periods. We fence that the race-based experiences of these women underlie many of their sexual and reproductive wellness atmospheric condition.
Key periods of Africans and their American descendants in the Us.
Table 1.
Historical and Contemporary Sexual- And Reproductive-Related Health and Healthcare Experiences of African American Women
| Catamenia | Time span | No. of years | Personal experiences of AAW that contribute to disparities in sexual and reproductive health | Healthcare experiences of AAW that contribute to disparities |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Slavery | 1619–1865 | 246 | Public, nude physical sale examinations to determine reproductive abilityfifteen,20; raped for sexual pleasure and economical purpose19,23; purposely aborting pregnancies where rape occurred; Jezebel stereotype emerged of black women beingness hypersexual115; generational poverty | Nonconsensual gynecological and reproductive surgeries performed at times repeatedly on female person slaves without anesthesia, including cesarean sections and ovariotomy to perfect medical procedures27,28 |
| Black Codes/Jim Crow | 1865–1965 | 100 | Rape35; lynching (genitalia/reproductive mutilation)36,37,40; uncertain/unequal civil rights35; stereotypes and negative media portrayals continued; generational poverty | Nonconsensual medical experiments continued27; poor or no healthcare for impoverished blacks; compulsory sterilization47; Jim Crow laws enforced lack of access to quality healthcare services and opportunities; effects of Tuskegee Untreated Syphilis Study on women49,50 |
| Civil Rights | 1955–1975 | 20 | Lynching, uncertain/unequal ceremonious rights and violence confronting women to show superiority and control35; stereotypes and negative hypersexual media portrayals continued; generational poverty | Nonconsensual medical experiments connected27,132; compulsory sterilization47; effects of Tuskegee Untreated Syphilis Study on women50; unequal healthcare servicesthirty |
| Mail service-Civil Rights | 1975–2018 | 43 | Black exploitation movies, media's hypersexual images continued116–117; generational poverty | Unequal healthcare continuedxxx; targeted sterilizations, hysterectomies, abortions, and birth control42,43,47,53,54 |
| Total no. of years | 1619–2018 | 399 |
Race-based mistreatment that occurred during the 246-yr enslavement (1619–1865) of Africans and their descendants involved many sexual and reproductive acts of violence against both enslaved African American women and their sexual partners. Enslaved women often experienced legalized sexual and reproductive exploitation.15–19 Some sources estimate that 58% of all enslaved women aged 15–xxx years were sexually assaulted by slave owners and other white men.15,20 Due to laws defining them every bit property, enslaved women had no legal protection from sexual assault by white men.19
Acts of sexual violence against African American men could as well impact enslaved women. Because enslaved men were viewed as social threats, and had few criminal justice protections, mobs of white men publicly lynched and/or castrated them in efforts to assert their dominance over them.21 In improver to disrupting relationships between enslaved women and their male person partners, such occurrences restricted their opportunities to reproduce with a partner of their choosing.
Consequently, childbearing during slavery was often intrinsically related to an economic arrangement that benefitted white slave owners more than and so than a matter of personal freedom.15,22 Considering enslaved women and girls were denied reproductive rights to command their own sexuality, they were unable to make up one's mind with whom they engaged in sexual relationships.23,24 Women who were considered "strong" were sold equally breeders and routinely sexually assaulted to nascency more than children into slavery.23 Some enslaved females attempted to avert beingness sexually exploited for these purposes and aborted their pregnancies as an deed of resistance.23,25,26
Enslaved women had limited access to healthcare, and the available "care" often involved medical experimentation.27 James Marion Sims, the "Father of Modernistic Gynecology" and former president of the American Medical Association, performed many reproductive experimental surgeries without anesthesia to care for various childbirth illnesses amid enslaved African American women.28 Many physicians used enslaved women in other experimental reproductive surgeries, such as cesarean sections and ovariotomy, to perfect procedures that would later be used for all women.29
Agin sexual and reproductive health and healthcare experiences continued for African American women throughout the Blackness Codes/Jim Crow era. (Table 1).24,thirty,31 Although the Emancipation Proclamation granted liberty to the enslaved, the Blackness Codes restricted African Americans' labor advancement and migration, and Jim Crow laws restricted their overall civil rights.32,33 In some states, laws regarding rape protected merely white women although some sources contend that African American women were more often victimized by this crime.21 In the absence of laws to protect African American women, rape served to control them, which probable affected their self-esteem and self-worth.34 Lynching was also used to punish both women and men who sought racial equality through civil rights.24,35,36 Many African American women also endured public gang rape and genital mutilation before beingness lynched.37–40
Furthermore, eugenic programs emerged to control the size of the black population.41–43 These programs coerced African American women to undergo sterilizations without their full noesis that these procedures were not reversible.44 Although the eugenic thesis was refuted by scientists, several state-supported eugenic sterilization programs remained agile.45,46 Thirty states supported formal eugenic programs that enforced compulsory sterilization from the early on 1900s to the 1970s.47
The longest running medical experiment in the Usa was the "Tuskegee Syphilis Study of Untreated Syphilis in the Male person Negro."48 Beginning in 1932, the U.S. Public Health Service recruited poor and uneducated African American men in Alabama to determine the effect of untreated syphilis. Although handling became available, the men were misled, denied treatment, and not informed of the study findings until 1972.49 In improver to study subjects experiencing syphilis-related morbidity and bloodshed, some of their wives caused syphilis, and some of their children suffered complications from congenital syphilis.l
Inhumane healthcare provided during the Black Codes/Jim Crow era was replaced with limited, poor-quality, or no health services for many African Americans, particularly those living in poverty during the Civil Rights era.30 Both the Civil Rights and postal service-Civil Rights eras have been characterized by overt and subtle forms of racism in the U.S. healthcare system. Legal segregation in healthcare continued through the mid-1960s until Congress passed the Ceremonious Rights Act of 1964.51 Shortly thereafter, the Medicaid plan forced many hospitals to adhere to the Civil Rights Act and to rent doctors who would care for patients of all races, although unequally.51 Federal funding supported coerced sterilization, and some African American women were threatened with denial of medical care or termination of welfare benefits if they did not undergo sterilization.52 Moreover, in 1972, ∼20 women, mostly young, African American and poor, suffered unintentional abortions equally a consequence of the super coil. The super coil was a device that caused uncontrollable haemorrhage and, in some cases, led to hysterectomies, intestinal hurting, and anemia.53
In addition, many poor African American women underwent unnecessary hysterectomies as practice for medical students at select teaching hospitals.54 This exploitation of African American women became routine and perpetuated the eugenic movement during this time period.47 Although long-interim reversible contraceptives (i.e., implants) are now recommended equally the most effective contraception option for many women, including adolescents regardless of race/ethnicity, debates about reproductive justice and the use of these contraceptives amidst African American women persist.55,56 African American women also report experiences of racial discrimination when seeking family planning services, and are more likely than white women to be brash to restrict childbearing, which might engender feelings of mistrust.57–60 Besides, black women of low socioeconomic status (SES) were more likely than white women of low SES to be recommended by their healthcare provider for intrauterine contraception.61
Taken together, these historical experiences of sexual violence, experimentation, and healthcare disenfranchisement back up the intergenerational transmission of poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes amidst African American women in the United States.
Gimmicky sexual and reproductive wellness outcomes
The CDC reports that African American women feel a loftier burden of STIs, including HIV.62 In 2012, compared with white women, African American women were more likely to be diagnosed with principal or secondary syphilis, gonorrhea, or chlamydia (sixteen.3, thirteen.8, and 6.2 times, respectively).62 African American women were also two to three times as likely as white women to take pelvic inflammatory disease.62 If left undiagnosed or untreated, these conditions tin can lead to pregnancy complications and infertility.62 In addition, CDC reported that African American women had an HIV incidence rate that was 20.1 times greater than that of white women in 2010.63 African American women are also more than likely to have delayed HIV handling compared with women of other races.64
Pregnancy-related morbidity and mortality also unduly affect African American women.65,66 In 2013, CDC reported that the preterm charge per unit for black infants was ∼60% higher than for white infants (17.i% and 10.8% respectively).67 In addition, the low birth weight rate for African Americans was x.13% and six.97% for whites.68 During 1998–2005, African American women had a three to four times higher risk of pregnancy-related expiry at every age interval compared with women of other races.69 African American women as well have increased chance for pregnancy-related hypertension and chronic hypertension.70 Importantly, this increased risk of mortality suggests that African American women are less likely to receive quality prenatal care and other preventive services (e.g., preconception wellness counseling and quality care for pre-existing medical weather such as hypertension).71
African American women undergo more hysterectomies due to conditions (e.g., uterine fibroids) that are potentially treatable past less aggressive procedures than other women.72–74 Kjerulff et al. also institute that blackness women were more likely than other women to have longer hospital stays and three times the inhospital mortalities, equally well as other complications (i.due east., respiratory, postoperative infection, gastrointestinal, hemorrhage, hematoma, accidental puncture, or laceration).74
Researchers are urged to examine any biases they may have about African American women earlier interpreting data about their sexual and reproductive wellness. Although focused on African American men, Leigh and Huff outline important considerations regarding reporting bias that are pertinent for African American women.75 Starting time, racism is a social factor embedded inside the historical legacy of the United States.57,75,76 The effects of racism and unconscious bias are difficult for African American women to avoid, because race and ultimately racism are based on physical characteristics (i.e., peel color). Whether racism is internalized, experienced within institutions (i.e., workplace), or through societal assumptions (i.eastward., preconceived notions about racial groups), information technology increases the risks of adverse sexual and reproductive health outcomes for this population.77 Second, there may exist a reporting bias related to African Americans, considering African Americans disproportionately access medical care in publicly funded clinics due to socioeconomic disparities. These clinics typically have more stringent reporting requirements.75 Finally, differences in sexual and reproductive health may be exaggerated as African Americans may be more probable to use service providers who use different patterns of testing and reporting.51
For example, healthcare systems that emphasize teaching and research related to patient care may have a college proportion of African American patients, which tin can pb to the identification of health problems believed to be more than common amid African Americans (e.grand., STIs).51 In light of the nuances associated with the drove, analysis, interpretation, and reporting of wellness information for African American women, some researchers argue that in that location is an intersection betwixt the wellness and healthcare experiences of African Americans and the social conditions (e.one thousand., poverty, limited teaching, residential segregation) they live in, helping shape patterns of documented wellness inequities, including sexual and reproductive health inequities.78–81
Linking past experiences to current health outcomes
The historical context of racism continues to shape the sexual and reproductive health of African American women. Figure 2 is a visual representation of primal historical and contemporary social weather experienced by African American women in the United States. It demonstrates the trajectory of adverse social determinants (i.e., poverty), which may affect the current wellness status of African American women. Although improvements in the public health and the healthcare system have occurred over time, the following paragraphs discuss the continuum of racism-related experiences that began in slavery and accept been found to influence sexual and reproductive health today.
Fourth dimension line of fundamental historical and contemporary racial and social experiences of Africans and their American descendants in the United States.
Transgenerational poverty originated in slavery and continues to unduly affect African Americans.82 Given the well-established link betwixt racism, poverty, and health, the socioeconomic atmospheric condition associated with institutionalized and interpersonal racism make African American women more vulnerable to sexual and reproductive health problems.81 For example, African American women are more likely than other women to live in neighborhoods in which the HIV prevalence is relatively high,83 increasing the likelihood that they will come across HIV-infected partners.84
Limited education may contribute to health problems experienced by African American women. During slavery, laws prohibited enslaved women from receiving a formal education.14 In later periods, well-nigh African American women had few opportunities for formal education, and blackness schools were given lower quality educational materials than schools educating white students. Low educational attainment may be associated with multiple sexual and reproductive health issues.85–88 Studies show that limited education is associated with an increased likelihood of poor HIV treatment adherence, preterm births and infant mortality, and undergoing hysterectomy.89–91 Furthermore, the frequency of hysterectomies among African American women with poor education has amplified concerns about the frequency with which this process is used.91,92
Race-based residential segregation continues to differentially structure access to quality educational opportunities in many predominantly African American neighborhoods.93,94 Ultimately, residential segregation past race provides a foundation to maintain other forms of institutional and societal segregation.eighty Importantly, it plays a central function in reproductive and sexual wellness past limiting access to quality health services.95,96 For example, African Americans living in predominantly black communities are considerably less likely to receive early on HIV testing and handling than whites.64,97 In addition, residential segregation is linked with adverse reproductive wellness outcomes, which are rooted in social inequalities.98
Some researchers have discussed structural inequalities in employment opportunities in relation to sexual and reproductive health outcomes. Historically (i.e., during slavery), African American women were non compensated for the work they performed. Equally slavery came to an end, they were non provided access to resources or immediate employment opportunities to sustain themselves and their families.99 Low-paying jobs with few opportunities for advancement accept been found to influence decision-making around sexual behavior. Poverty is associated with sexual risk decisions in efforts to acquire basic needs, such as food and shelter.100–103
A personal history of sexual violence may also influence the overall health of African American women.104,105 Repeated assaults have been linked to trauma, which can increment the likelihood that women volition feel sexual health problems (eastward.thousand., sexual dysfunction).106–108 African American women living in poverty have an increased likelihood of enduring childhood sexual abuse.109 Furthermore, reproductive compulsion diminishes self-esteem, resulting in feelings of inferiority, high levels of stress, and vulnerability to sexual risk behaviors.110
Present-day stereotypes of African American women as "hypersexual," "ambitious," and "angry" were born of representations that emerged in the past.133,107,111–113 Negative sexual stereotypes of African American women began as a ways to justify their enslavement and subsequent sexual violence, including rape and sexual attack.114 Negative sexual imagery of African American women continued throughout the four time periods.115–117 Peterson et al. recently found that African American women who reported viewing more sexual stereotypes in rap videos engaged in more sexual risk behaviors than females who did non. Some data suggest that these negative stereotypes help to further racist sentiments because they can be internalized by African Americans.118 Men of color who perpetuate these images either intentionally or unintentionally have themselves been victims of persistent negative imagery throughout history that often translates into internalized racism.119
Because many African American women lack access to quality healthcare, they accept an increased likelihood of late-stage diagnoses of HIV and other medical conditions that increment the risk for early mortality.xxx,120 Many African American women lack access to preventive reproductive screenings, including mammograms and Pap smears.121 Some data suggest that factors contributing to disparities in preterm birth run a risk or infant mortality include differences in prenatal care, nutrition, and SES as well as experiences of racism-related stress.65,121–125
Some propose the origins of developed health brainstorm with intrauterine and early postnatal experiences or every bit a result of "weathering," through which repeated experiences with discrimination result in concrete health deterioration in early adulthood.126–129 Low nascency weight amongst gimmicky African Americans has been proposed to be a effect of differences in current exposures to social and environmental factors that touch fetal development and from conditions experienced during slavery. Enslaved women endured poor health beyond their life span due to insufficient diet, extreme physical work, and disease.130,131 Jasienska highlights the concept of "fetal programming," the idea that the physiological development of the fetus tin be affected by environmental events, which may endure into machismo, thereby affecting futurity generations. Although slavery was abolished in the United States in 1865, Jasienska argues that there has non been enough time to eliminate the physical furnishings of slavery, which contributes to the disproportionately loftier levels of low birth weight in African American infants born in the 21st century.130 Although there are multiple risk factors for preterm nativity and low nascency weight, long-term, multigenerational exposure to inadequate nutrition as evidenced during slavery should be considered when addressing low birth rate.130
Additionally, the legacy of medical experimentation and inadequate healthcare has exacerbated African American women'southward complex relationship with healthcare systems, past and present, and laid a foundation of mistrust of the medical institution.132,133 Some researchers contend that the study of African Americans is incomplete if cultural mistrust is not taken into consideration.134 Research suggests that African Americans are reluctant to engage in clinical trials and may refuse treatment as a result of their ain race-related experiences.133,135–137 The lingering effects of the "Tuskegee Written report of Untreated Syphilis" on African American women back up the demand for present-twenty-four hours medical schools to adopt culturally and linguistically advisable curricula that consider how this study continues to impact the reproductive health and related behaviors of African American women.50
Implications for public health
The historical and contemporary racism-related health and healthcare experiences of African American women to date highlight the demand to develop new models for health promotion. Socioecological models are useful for understanding the context of both race-specific and gender-specific problems relative to sexual and reproductive healthcare experiences.138 For example, programs designed to address individual-level (i.e., self-esteem, resilience), interpersonal-level (i.e., reducing stigma), community-level (i.e., reducing residential segregation), and importantly system-level factors (i.e., reducing unemployment) might facilitate long-term, sustainable improvements in health for the larger population of African American women.139
Consistent with strategies outlined in the Department of Health and Homo Services Action Program to Reduce Racial and Indigenous Health Disparities and Salubrious People 2020, we highlight the following strategies as starting time steps in reversing historical patterns of poor sexual and reproductive health outcomes among African American women: (1) ensure strategies focus on culturally and contextually appropriate inquiry and prevention, (2) ensure equal admission to effective sexual health information and quality healthcare services, (3) back up quality instruction and preparation for public health professionals, and (four) support policies that promote sexual and reproductive health disinterestedness.
To ensure strategies incorporate culturally and contextually appropriate research and prevention, an understanding of cultural theories and perspectives is primal to prevention efforts. This arroyo enables the development of programmatic systems and policy deportment that are relevant and appropriate for the intended audition. African American women must exist involved in the design, implementation, and evaluation of all aspects of the research and implementation of agreed-upon programs. Such an arroyo is modeled by customs-based participatory research.140 Similarly, it is important to closely examine macrolevel factors that impact health outcomes, such as the socioeconomic, cultural, and dimensions of the community/environmental context. This arroyo further illuminates the bear upon of social determinants of health on African American women and expands opportunities and strategies for primary prevention.
Addressing equal access to effective sexual and reproductive health information and quality healthcare services that stem from institutional racism and discrimination entails reducing barriers to access to quality care, increasing admission to health insurance, and ensuring the provision of culturally advisable and specialized intendance. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) could improve African American women'south access to quality, affordable wellness coverage and help reduce inequities.121 The ACA was designed to expand access for preventive screening services for women, increases maternity coverage, and increases funding to community wellness centers, which are generally located in disenfranchised communities serving large numbers of African Americans. Moreover, to finer and efficiently accost those underlying causes of adverse sexual and reproductive health outcomes for African American women, public wellness agencies are encouraged to broaden their partnerships to include nontraditional partners (i.e., housing, education, employment) who might accept more direct influence over some of the social determinants affecting the health status of African American women.
Addressing the shortage of African American public health professionals and supporting quality pedagogy and preparation are significant in improving the provision of high-quality healthcare. Their representation in the workforce has both educational service and relationship benefits for patients and providers. In addition, ensuring their presence within the healthcare profession serves equally an opportunity to accost the discriminatory practices that may have prevented their entry into healthcare professions.141,142 Patient/provider relationships are also a factor in achieving patient satisfaction and medication adherence.143,144 Effective patient/provider communication is paramount to delivering high-quality wellness services, and patients are more apt to share information helpful to their provider when they feel valued.145
In addition, public health researchers should be familiar with the histories and lived experience of their African American patients to appropriately blueprint collaborative prevention efforts that better racism and its health-related impacts among African American women. Learning to be culturally competent and sensitive is essential for providers and public health practitioners providing services to populations that take traditionally been marginalized and medically underserved.145
Moreover, policies that promote health equity tin be powerful tools for social change. Enforcing policies that promote racial and gender equality, quality education for all students, equal admission to task preparation and employment opportunities, and equal access to quality health intendance for all could raise population health.138,146,147
Conclusion
The field of public health will be more successful addressing the root causes of health inequities when strategies are informed past rigorous social and epidemiological research. Properly framed and executed, such enquiry can support the development of approaches that take into business relationship the unique experiences of African American women. This overview of historical health-related experiences of African American women is a first stride in describing how the historical touch on of racism links past events to present sexual and reproductive wellness outcomes. Addressing sexual and reproductive health through a historical lens and ensuring the implementation of culturally appropriate programs, research, and treatment efforts volition probable move public wellness toward achieving health equity, which will do good the health of African American women.
Disclaimer
The findings and conclusions in this written report are those of the authors and practise not necessarily represent the official position of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
Author Disclosure Statement
No competing fiscal interests exist.
Abbreviations Used
| ACA | Affordable Care Act |
| AAW | African American women |
| CDC | Centers for Disease Control and Prevention |
| SES | socioeconomic status |
| STI | sexually transmitted infections |
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